120-55 Queens Blvd, Ny

André Pratte and regions

After spending weeks to scrutinize the fears and prejudices of Quebecers regions, the Bouchard-Taylor pitched his tent in Montreal. Here, the witnesses do not speak of stoning that haunt their nightmares. Accommodations with minority cultures, it is in schools and health facilities in the Montreal area as it happens.

If there was a crisis, threat to Quebec's identity, it is here that the tumor would grow. However, the primary care providers have told us that the two sages, after all, the patient is doing well.


André Pratte - Editorial - The Press December 2, 2007

Are Yak Metal Cores To Be Used On The Back

Long live free Quebec! Any government

"It has become urgent to review the distribution of powers in our community."

-Rene Levesque


In early November, the Coalition for Quebec Regions launched the book Freeing Quebec to promote the establishment of territorial governments. In this collection of essays by different authors, there is a 1977 document, which was never published until now and where Rene Levesque himself expressed the need for profound changes in the sharing of responsibilities within the province.

The coalition members want to leave the areas of concentration of power that grows the government of Quebec to remain a strong central state. Removing all power to the inhabitants of the regions, excluding local elected vital decisions for communities, it creates a gap, that of indifference to public affairs on which they feel more control. Then comes the frustration with the government for its inability to solve problems, although individuals each region, but especially important and urgent as the exodus to the cities. The Quebec government requires a facelift, it becomes too heavy, too expensive and ineffective in terms of democracy. Parliament of Quebec, are stacked blithely regional focus issues, and specific cases of national records in a nonsensical brouhaha when even the report of importance of topics in relation to each other is lost.

What this group is saying is let's deal with the regions themselves, give them the means.

The publication of this work is therefore in a process of civic engagement that will lead to the Estates General of Quebec regions, possibly in 2008. The coalition knows that radical change such that the request requires the approval of the population. How to get it is probably at the number of subjects to be discussed at this event.

The Parti Quebecois must ensure inclusion on the guest list. Presents the opportunity to exercise leadership and make this forum a new vision of national struggle and a more regional approach of sovereignty.

The current game plan of the PQ is to create winning conditions for the holding of a referendum, to convince people to vote for the option and start the process toward independence. Following a second referendum on the adoption of a Constitution for our new country.

A credible alternative is to merge the two referendums. If the PQ enters the government, he engages the work of preparing internal sovereignty by convening a Constituent Assembly. The mandate of the Constituent Assembly will be limited in time because it will provide a draft constitution for an independent Quebec within two years. These allow the flexibility needed to minister to prepare the sovereignty referendum on the draft country before a General Election.

To demonstrate the link between sovereignty and development regions, the PQ and its new leader would propose to elect representatives on a regional basis, each region having equal weight. One can, for example, ask the citizens of each region to elect three representatives for a total of 51 elected (See annex).

Pauline Marois should not be afraid to clarify issues and to shed some light on the country to do, the way to go. The mistake, obscure ideas and vague concepts, let the Federalists.

This new approach speaks directly to voters who were asked, first, to imagine after all and decide, without interference from the rest of Canada, what kind of society we really want to live.

The Assembly members will create and territorial governments allocate resources and responsibilities between these and the central government in Quebec City. They include the Quebec Charter of Rights and Freedoms and the Charter of the French language, the Assembly changed if necessary. They will also define a method of appointing judges to the Supreme Court and a formula for amending the Constitution.

The referendum will then oppose

A Québec Constitution, carefully considered and accepted as the population of Quebec will have increased the PQ in power to convene a Constituent Assembly, she will have chosen their delegates and the ideas they convey. This is a highly democratic path that commands respect and to which every citizen will feel bound, as there will participate in one way or another. Power to the people.

The status quo, the Constitution of Canada, repatriated by English Canada without Quebec's agreement in 1982, and since no Quebec government has agreed to ratify. The fundamental law of Canada is based on contempt for the Quebec nation and yet, despite a glaring lack of democratic legitimacy, Quebec must comply and submit. Democracy in canadian.

But this logic assumes that the PQ review his speech largely if not entirely. Primarily, the referendum ceases to represent the time when Quebecers are beginning to conduct their business. The drafting of the constitution by elected representatives is the first step in a nation that is self-governing, a Quebec that all responsibilities. Draw, collectively, the draft structure of shared powers of a sovereign state, even without the assurance of winning the referendum, remains a gesture of tearing and self-determination and self-learning -governance. Perhaps even necessary to break the status quo.

Thus, the election of a government sovereignty means that the people of Quebec Quebec agrees to engage in the process of independence. The referendum changes its nature completely. It is now used to confirm that the path it took the government to prepare the sovereignty corresponds to its promises and expectations of citizens who bear the final verdict. He launched the world: We have elected a transitional government to prepare for the sovereignty, it has met our expectations and we endorse his work, we validate our choice of the last election for a Quebec country.

Also, this program requires the training she agrees to share his option with a novel new ally, the Constituent Assembly after the election of the PQ, takes over to perform its specific function, that of putting a additional pressure on the current policy framework so that it bursts, it can no longer contain the aspirations of the people of Quebec to make the necessary presence of a separatist party. The PQ loses its monopoly on sovereignty, but it gains a powerful promotional tool, a Constitution.

The interest in the Coalition of Quebec regions seems obvious. This group probably will include such a proposal will give them greater autonomy than what Quebec could make the region as a mere province with its limited resources. With even less effort because the resistance he meets want to decentralize a state weakened by the Canadian connection will be strong.

The basic strategy of the PQ no longer inspires confidence. Why not submit a new plan more concrete in the States-General of the Coalition is announced for 2008?

Mathieu

Appendix

The province has 17 administrative regions.

Abitibi Témiscamingue Bas St Laurent

Capital
National Center of Quebec Chaudière Appalaches

North Shore Estrie

Gaspésie Îles de la Madeleine Lanaudière

Laurentides Laval

Mauricie Montérégie

Montreal
Northern Quebec Outaouais

Saguenay Lac St Jean

What Gauge Is A Safetly Pin

The judicial activism of Quebec Anglophones still making waves 30 years after the adoption of the Charter of the French language. This time, it is the lawyer Brent Tyler, a former president of Alliance Quebec, which has succeeded in invalidating the Act 104 by the Court of Appeal of Quebec. Bill 104 amends for the failure to Bill 101 which made possible the attendance of an English public school brothers and sisters of children who have attended a private English school for one year only. In other words, Bill 104 put a stop to this questionable practice which was to buy a blank check for the whole family.

The State of Quebec has responded by raising the issue in appeal to the Supreme Court of Canada. He could not help but stand in defense of Bill 104 to protect the principle of equality before the law. Unfortunately, we can guess which way the Supreme Court look into this matter. This is not the first such challenge. The Supreme Court has consistently set limits to the application of Bill 101 since its adoption. The cause now represents only the latest episode in a long series of legal challenges. No longer able to apply its policy of integrating newcomers, Quebec is therefore gradually impose the choice of Canadian multiculturalism. Why? Canada's Constitution, its Charter of Rights and Freedoms gives parents choice in language teaching, something inconsistent with the law 101 (education, however, under provincial jurisdiction). Or Bill 101 remains since 1977, the heart of the project of living together of people of Quebec.

Any government that is sovereign or not, if he claims defend Quebec's interests, should feel legitimized to refer to the protection of our language laws as grounds for refusing to comply and to recognize the authority of the Supreme Court of Canada. Quebec can deny the existence of obligations to the 1982 constitution, unilaterally repatriated by English Canada to redefine the political structures of the country without Quebec's consent.

That presents it as an act of sovereignty for some, a supposed plan for autonomy for the other matter, what really is freedom in action that we could win.

Quebec does he not have its own Charter of Rights and Freedoms, adopted in the National Assembly, to which judges could refer Quebec? For Quebecers, this law has at least one democratic legitimacy, contrary to the Charter of Rights and Freedoms of Canada included in the coup of Pierre Elliot Trudeau 82.

Time is short, we must react before the return to power of the federal Liberals. We know how their party represents a threat to the autonomy of Quebec. We just discussed the question of unilateral repatriation of the Constitution under their reign in the 80s but when they returned to power under Jean Chretien in Ottawa in the 90s, had scarcely changed their methods. The non-compliance during the Quebec referendum of 1995, sponsorship, fiscal imbalance, the Clarity Act, the National Assembly to put in trust, to intimidate and threaten the people of partition, armed response or non-recognition of its democratic choice, no effort was spared to bully the right to self-determination of our nation. No hijacking of democracy seemed too unfair. Democracy in Canada has gone mad.

If you go back a little, we remember the events of October 1970. Trudeau decides to declare the Act War Measures to suspend civil liberties under the pretext of a so-called insurgency army to intimidate the Quebec secessionist movement nascent but already strong. That Canadians retain that image of Trudeau's great defender of the rights and freedoms suggests an emerging Canadian nationalism, based on the Constitution of 82, promoting anti-democratic excesses. It

can be said without much error that liberal activists are Canadian nationalists and consider Quebec nationalism as a threat to their country. They actually become the counterweight to liberal democratic values of Canada constantly seeking to justify that in the case of Quebec, the end is the means, we can trust the laws of Quebec.

Mathieu

Help My Endometriosis Hurts

Then and Now Historical Moment


1840 - London Schedule Quebec by force with the Act of Union following the lifting of parliamentary Patriots who were denied government accountable.

Given the stubborn refusal of London to give the government accountable to parliament and members of Lower Canada, the Patriot Party organized many public meetings soon banned by the governor but continue nonetheless. English citizens, a minority in Lower Canada, are unacceptable to let the Canadians (the French) government freely and decide to arm themselves. Given the turmoil that now reigns in the province, the governor pushed through martial law and issued arrest warrants for treason against many Canadians. The rebellion broke out. The Governor directs the crackdown and crushed the revolt, the rebels and the French population in general.

The British authorities then sent Lord Durham to investigate the events that just took place. He signed a report in which he explains that the Lower Canada must rely on another power. Minorized Canadians must be able to assimilate them thereafter. To get there, it would unite the two Canadas.

"One can hardly conceive nationality more destitute of all that can invigorate and elevate a people as the descendants of the French in Lower Canada, because they have kept their language and their customs. They are a people without history or literature. "

London decides to follow the recommendations of the report racist and Durham, taking advantage of the weak position is located in the Lower Canadians, annex by force the Lower to Upper Canada Canada. In the new entity, United Canada, Canadians find themselves a minority in terms of deputations for despite a population well above the Lower Canada gets only half the seats. The act of aggression that is the Act of Union marks the end of the repression of the rebellion that began when a political solution in simple and practical minorized the colonized. It also marks the birth of Canada on the basis of modern refusal to recognize the French Canadians the right to govern a democratic state of which they form the majority.

1982-Pierre Elliot Trudeau and the premiers repatriate the Constitution to make the Basic Law of the country without Quebec's consent.

When in 1979 Rene Levesque, then Prime Minister, announces a referendum on Quebec sovereignty, the official opposition leader, Claude Ryan, began to agree with him on importance of non-interference of the federal government.

But before Ryan's incompetence as head of the clan of NO, the Canadian Prime Minister Pierre Elliot Trudeau eager to get involved in the referendum campaign. In his last speech before the referendum, Trudeau promised to review the federalism for Quebec open to requests if they win the NO.

The day after the defeat of the Yes camp, says he wants Trudeau repatriated the Canadian Constitution Act of British North America (AANB-1867), and renew. Despite the difficult process premiers English reach an agreement with the federal government. In fact, to garner support from a majority of provinces, Trudeau will be many proposals for concessions to the provinces without recalcitrant only offer anything in Quebec. Contrary to his promises pre-referendum, Trudeau sought to isolate Quebec and succeeds. The agreement is honed at night without the knowledge and the absence of Lévesque and his delegation believed that the talks should resume tomorrow. But the next day, the federal government and the nine provincial premiers are celebrating an agreement that allows Quebec that Canada can he impose a new constitutional order without her consent. The Conquest of 1760 version of democracy minorization.

Since 1982, Quebec has never agreed to ratify this constitution. Yet, despite a glaring lack of democratic legitimacy, it continues to apply. Every interest group provided well in money may ask the Supreme Court of Canada to rule on the constitutionality of any law in Quebec. The English have done with the language laws in Quebec and were thus forced the Quebec government to dilute the law 101. More recently, Judges of the Supreme Court asked the Charest government to open the public health system to private suite at the request of Dr. Jacques Chaoulli, a researcher at the Montreal Economic Institute.

Privatizing health care system, even in part should be a collective decision and not a few individuals we must assume impartial. Yet, thanks to a constitution that Quebec does not sign the opinion of some judges appointed by the Canadian prime minister takes precedence over the democratic will of Quebecers as expressed in the National Assembly through its elected members.

What differentiates the historic period preceding the birth of modern Canada by the Act of Union from today?

Quebecers do not freely acceded to the 1982 Constitution the same way we do not ask them before imposing the policy framework that followed 1760. Like English governor (appointed by London) before the rebellion of the Patriotes, judges (appointed by the Prime Minister of Canada) reserve the right to review and block the laws of the Quebec Parliament. In this sense, the rulers of today are fighting for responsible government as well as the Patriots yesterday. The methods have changed (renunciation of violence) but not the reasons.

Mathieu

Songs To Sing And Play On Piano

No insurmountable walls

On 20 October in Montreal will take place an event of great importance for the sovereignty movement . The RIQ (Rally for the Independence of Quebec) invites all separatists in a meeting on the future country project and how to get there.

"At this happening independence, nothing will be excluded, especially not the creation of a separatist party and fundamentally democratic. A party that is neither right nor left, neither the center nor the Social Democrats. "

Many activists do not believe simply more to the ability of the Parti Quebecois to readjust its strategy in the next Congress. For even if Congress were to give birth to a clear, coherent and focused on sovereignty, there is no requirement to respect the leader, otherwise the low threat of desertions in its marginal customer gained.

other words, nothing like the considerations of a head in front of an organized group, with representatives, whose membership depends on its attitude.

Think about it. The Union of Progressive Forces and Option citizens joined a new party political sovereignty, Quebec-solidarity. This young band creates a great concern for the fracture that it causes in our ranks, but it comes at the same time break the monopoly that supplies the dynamics inside the PQ. Two

sovereignist parties, rather softies, share the stage and now they will not come together soon. It This is a considerable opportunity for independence disappointed realign nationalist politics through their bargaining power. Playing the parties against each other they can expect a competition between the two parties to monopolize the militant force.

This is a great alternative to the creation of a new party known to split the nationalist vote even more, to negotiate their accession. The assembly of RIQ offers an extraordinary opportunity to establish an association of activists who fear that dissatisfied the PQ sink deeper into the wait, to discuss between them, the action plan they wish to see adopted by a party dedicated to national emancipation and decide how to bargain their support for a party. Which shows the candidate most committed to independence and the program more consistent? Which adopts a tone more firm when the national question? What are the issues for change with the parties? Better organized, become disgruntled activists to court rather than to muzzle purzédurs.

One could argue that QoS is not a serious choice because of the tiny space it occupies on the political spectrum. Although not the first choice, before a PQ that show an uncompromising, not worth it not worthwhile to study the hypothesis QS to join before starting another party? Reset to zero for only three parties separatists clash at the provincial level remains a fateful decision that must be evaluated. Moreover, the low political weight of QS should allow some openness to the claims of a group sovereignty, in theory at least. It may, indeed, find the necessary support to carry it lacks a remarkable breakthrough.


Only obstacles overcome

can primarily be divided into three communities activists who no longer recognize themselves in the PQ. One opts for the application of acts of sovereignty upon the election of a sovereign government. The second also wants significant gestures from the beginning of a mandate, and the drafting of a constitution of countries later submitted to the people by referendum (the strategic framework to replace Robert Laplante referendum classic). The last referendum instead wants an election where the election of a separatist government simply to declare Quebec a sovereign country.

Despite their differences, they find themselves united in their desire for a PQ that do not be tempted by the provincial management pending the winning conditions, the moral assurance of winning the next or the next buzzword.

The first task of grouping would be to establish contacts with key organizations that represent these separatist tendencies in order to meet this coalition or to obtain their support.

MES (Movement for an election on sovereignty), the National Action, the SSJB (Societe Saint-Jean Baptiste) and editions of Quebecers could, for example, interested in a coalition designed specifically to increase their influence within the main political party sovereignty and to avoid splitting the latter giving him one last chance to prove to all those who advocate creating a new party that still has the will necessary to achieve our project.

The union of different associations accomplish the necessary basis for a membership drive to reach the maximum membership and assess the real political weight. It will last if it is true that "purzédurs" form only a negligible force as many would have us believe.

Then, all members should know and follow the motto: No funding or renewal of membership card while negotiations continue. All parties need money. So a proposal could include a section where members of the coalition to block their purchase card after an agreement.

All these elements in place, members will elect representatives to join the PQ and QS to negotiate on a clear mandate democratically decided.

Finally, after process, it remains to reunite to settle. Choose one of the offers, or that the PQ is that of QS, or agree that they are insufficient and then found a party.

Mathieu

My Throat Gets Sore In The Evening

My reasons, my country's future


Considering the expedition of Jacques Cartier in 1534 as the birth of a French nation in North America

Considering that Quebec (New France) is a land conquered by force of arms in 1760 and suffers the British military occupation until 1763, when France ceded Canada to the Britain

Considering that Quebec is annexed by force with the Act of Union in 1840 following the crackdown in the blood of rebellion Parliamentarians Patriots who were refused the government accountable

Recital Confederation in 1867 as a result of the Act of Union

Considering the refusal of the Quebec people to disappear despite the enormous political uncertainty persists since 1760

Considering that Quebec has never agreed to ratify the Constitution Pierre Elliot Troudeau, the country's fundamental law of Canada, since its imposition in 1982

Considering that in Canada, based on the "legitimacy" and their interpretation of this Constitution, the opinion of some judges of the Supreme Court trumps the democratic will of the National Assembly as in the If Jacques Chaoulli case or regression of language laws in Quebec

Considering essential for Quebecers to get rid of this power relationship between the Constitution and its judges appointed by the Prime Minister of Canada, and the intentions of the Quebec nation expressed in the National Assembly through its members elected

Considering the urgent need to dispose of outdated institutions such as the senate and the monarchy

Considering the negative fact that Quebec is not master in all areas and that many important decisions and high level strategic communications, transportation, defense, international relations, immigration and citizenship, he escapes and is taken over him by the Government of Canada

Considering that national independence will allow Quebec to be represented in all major international forums and signing himself arrangements that suit them without going through Canadian

Whereas if Quebecers had a foreign policy of their own, it would be, in several respects, different from that of Canada

Considering that local repatriation all the powers and taxation fields in Quebec City will open the door to greater coherence of action, loss of heaviness of the system and decentralization to the regions, all three impossible in a system where both levels of national governments have conflicting interests

This individual takes a stand for independence Quebec, my only true country

Mathieu

Can Creatine Cause Cottonmouth

Pauline Marois assumes leadership of the Parti Quebecois, a party whose members broke even disagree on the strategy to regain power and to the country of Quebec. It will restore confidence disappeared when many members are considering natural form or join a new party sovereignty, no longer believing in the ability of PQ to achieve its primary objective. To have already challenged the referendum timetable does not reassure. Yet it would be a mistake not to recognize here the flair of a good politician but also the opportunity presents itself. The schedule

separated clans and prevented any meaningful discussion and carrier for the future. The last congress was given birth to this compromise amid polls favorable to 50% by full commission Gomery. And so, all the political front was established in an atmosphere of complacency because of this cyclical aberration. Purists and electioneering could negotiate a compromise solution which had the merit of reducing tensions, temporarily. In the longer term, however, when they returned to the polls normal, that is to say, the slow decline of the PQ, the means to achieve independence proved an obstacle to the election of a sovereign government. The schedule referendum became an object of conflict and resentment in the movement between the different political families. Between electioneering, well aware that we must take power to set in motion the process of separation, and purists, well aware that it is useless to have the power to manage the province of Quebec.

The real danger for the PQ currently embodied in much the temptation of this management Provincial waiting for the next in the abandonment of the schedule. If the mandate was to bring Marois PQ in this direction, the final collapse would inevitably follow.

Many are dissatisfied with the PQ look and do not find or more. In general, they can be divided into three groups. The first advocates the application of acts of sovereignty from the election of a PQ government. The second also wants significant gestures from the beginning of the mandate, and the drafting of a constitution of countries later submitted to the people by referendum (the strategic framework developed by Robert Laplante). The latter opted instead for the referendum election where the election of the PQ is enough to declare Quebec a sovereign country.

Despite their differences, they find themselves united in their desire for a PQ does not sink into the wait.

you can easily guess the result, I suggest these actors coalesce around a kind of "union" that would counterbalance this wait, in addition to channel the energy of activists disappointed in the reform rather than the PQ its destruction. It would be a collective defeat the strategy of good government, a coalition of individuals and associations against the possible drift of winning conditions. The priority of this association is to make proposals that can rally the various trends "purzédurs" to convey to the leadership of the PQ.

Together, we have a better understanding of obstacles to overcome and the game plan to apply and a greater political weight.

Many see it as a radical project. But remember that it can avoid the creation of a new separatist party and convince those who have already dropped out of PQ, or are about, to invest a little time in a beautiful kind of risk, given one last chance to show that the PQ can still achieve sovereignty. This is one more option before leaving the PQ, found a third party and completely undermine the cohesion of the movement for emancipation of Quebecers.

Moreover, an organization that would relay the claims of the purists would solve an old problem of the PQ and allow a climate generally more courteous. Why? The purzédurs consist of several groups and countless individuals, not all members of the PQ, consequently turn to them is not an easy task. That is why the management and they talk through the media, the opposite of effective communication because it involves an actor-witness, the ordinary citizen. This greatly hampers the debate of ideas in the pollutant of unnecessary resentment. The direction and the activists should be able to speak directly to one another without media intrusion.

Also, this could be our chance to get rid of old labels. The Lucid and Partners were appointed themselves. This is our chance to emulate them out Boundaries purzédurs and soft. Over time we have gone from separatist separatists because we named ourselves. Similarly, we define finally what we really are. Otherwise, we continue to let the media care to baptize us and so we define.

remains to know the reaction of Marois. Does it push out the recalcitrant or she will lend a sympathetic ear?

Mathieu

Church Letter Of Condolence

Pauline Marois


Pauline and the wicked purzédurs

The Dissident agrees to Pauline Marois. It sounds paradoxical.

Why I welcome his arrival at the head of the Parti Quebecois? By pragmatism.

First, it has managed to unite all politicians separatists behind her, even Gilles Duceppe. In this rare show of unity is missing is the support of several patterns of movement, to come hopefully.

One might think that his opposition to a referendum timetable would cause the troubles with the wicked purzédurs. I do not think. To hold a referendum, the party must first exist as a credible face in Canada. Purédur myself, I think about it much. We must support Marois to avoid resentment that will block all the avenues offered by the purists. Marois has become the bridge between trends and we must protect it because it represents the last hope against the final collapse of our coalition. In a few weeks the dust settles, we will recall our support to Marois, we'll just say that we abandon the referendum timetable in exchange for the revision of the strategic framework. Obviously, this scenario is possible only in the context where purzédurs met previously in a new organization responsible for expressing requirements Marois.

Thus, the challenge to the referendum timetable does not necessarily mean a return to winning conditions. We, the purzédurs, can now demonstrate that we are more extremists that the media love to show off. Marois can she use the give and take to settle, family, issues that divide us instead of using the usual tactics to make political hay by attacking the purists, a method that has succeeded only widen the gap that separates us.

however, apply to purzédurs is not easy because they consist of several movements and countless individuals, not all members of the PQ. That is why the leadership of the PQ and talk them through the media, the opposite of effective communication. Management must be able to go directly to purzédurs without media intrusion. The only solution is to entrust the communication to a particular organization that would relay the requests of purzédurs.


Pauline and women the world

Secondly, Marois can associate sovereignty to the advancement of the cause of women. How? Being, the first to reach the post of head of the Quebec government but also at international level, making Quebec independence a demonstration of political strength of women. Imagine the gains for women in the history books of the future. Consider the example for all women in the world who demand equality in their own country. There is a continuity more than interesting for a party that has accomplished so much for women here.

Finally, like many, I let myself captivated by the polls. What they tell us? With Marois, the PQ can not only regain power but reject the third largest, the oldest party, and the richest and most federalist.

The PQ can again make history by wearing a heavy blow to the PLQ. If the PQ depends on its credibility to score points, the PLQ needs credibility for its funding.

Personally, I do not see a downside to Marois, I discovered during his press conference, she speaks little English. A small flaw that can easily improve.



Mathieu

Is It Possible To Be Dry On Day Of Ovulation

The Montreal Economic Institute and the future of Health


What the Economic Institute of Montreal?

In Quebec, the ADQ and the PLQ, the political right, often cite to justify their stance in favor of privatization, studies of the Montreal Economic Institute (MEI). But what the Montreal Economic Institute? Is best known for his record MEI schools published annually in the Journal News. It necessarily imagine, with such a name, an independent research institute, nonpartisan and nonprofit. The MEI is registered as a charity, it can not not make political donations and there are facts allow tax cuts to its donors. Yet

MEI occurs frequently in public to request legislative changes such as opening up the healthcare market, the single tax rate, tax reduction and the rejection of state aid to fight against poverty. In addition, each year, MEI publishes its list of schools to promote private schools.

It seeks primarily to transform the system of universal health public-private system. All his works are in the same direction : Reduce the size of government and privatize public services.

This powerful organization associated with the Fraser Institute, funded by companies, has a major influence on policy makers in Quebec. In addition, the MEI has still not registered as a lobbying group in the official register of lobbyists and Quebec refuses to make public the identity of its donors. We must ask ourselves some serious questions about this "think tank" that seems at first to serve the corporate interests that adorn its coffers and slavering over the possibility of replacing government as service provider in the highly lucrative world of medicine.

First a two-tier health, then? The fight will she completed for the MEI and its "shareholders" or will we be entitled to the battle system completely private?


The allies MEI

The Montreal Economic Institute can count on some key allies in its fight to privatize profits and socialize losses (in the words of Richard Desjardins ).

It may well first count on the media empire GESCA, who quickly relay information supporter of MEI. GESCA's La Presse, Le Soleil, La Voix de l'Est, La Tribune, Le Nouvelliste, The Right, The Daily. In addition, Gesca is the sole owner of cyberpresse.ca, one of the busiest Web sites in Quebec.

In Quebec, two groups share 9 of the 10 titles: Quebecor (Le Journal de Montreal and Le Journal de Quebec) with 44% of the total circulation of newspapers and French GESCA, a Canadian subsidiary owned publishing subsidiary of Power Corporation with 53% of the draw. To

manipulate public opinion, dark GESCA easily in misinformation and never hesitates to cite the work of the Institute on Health to sell its political solution, not that of Cuba you guessed it.

Despite that, Cuba has a health system that ranks among the best in the world. If GESCA is both to solve problems in health contemplates why she never seriously the example of Cuba? Ah yes, Cuba was excluded capitalism, we must dismiss it. What is being proposed then the interests of rich cleverly disguised as a virtue? Could it be that health an excuse, and that what really matters is to convince Quebecers that a right turn is needed?

To answer these questions, it is imperative that Power Corp. operates in the lucrative field of insurance and that entity has any interest in the disappearance of universal health care and lead the public debate this direction.

Another major boost to help the project comes from the MEI, the country's highest court, the Supreme Court of Canada itself. Indeed, in 2004, Dr. Jacques Chaoulli, a research associate at the Institute, asked Supreme Court recognized that the delay in obtaining necessary care violates the constitutional right to life, liberty and security of person. Chaoulli proposes to allow those who can afford to pay directly for services provided by private for-profit clinics and to allow private health insurance. The court agrees with him and creates a first opening leading the Charest government to allow private clinics multiply and sell specialized private insurance for knee, hip and cataract.

To put it simply, the democratic process Quebec as a whole is set aside: the opinion of some judges appointed by the Canadian prime minister takes precedence over the democratic will of the Quebec nation as expressed in the National Assembly through its elected members. In no way do we consult the people, everything is decided between a few individuals we must assume impartial. The fact that the Quebec people has never ratified the constitution on which said these so-called judges rely to impose their way of thinking does not seem to weigh very heavily in the balance. Democracy at the Canadian.

What is important is that the Montreal Economic Institute, through GESCA Power Corporation, Canada's constitution and its judges, the Action démocratique du Québec and the Quebec Liberal Party are all working together to end the Quebec model and gradually privatize health system.

Mathieu

How Much Does Petsmart Charge For Teeth Cleaning

Charest and Dumont, white hat and white hat?


the past from the future

although both right on the Quebec political scene, many cases Mario Dumont divide and Jean Charest, as the fate of specialists for example. Yet on a particular topic, and no less important, the relationship between the federal and provincial (Intergovernmental Affairs), the distinction is rather subtle.

Indeed, the question of the constitutional future of Quebec, what really differentiates the ADQ PLQ? The two leaders are of allegiance federalist. Both appear as autonomous. The two leaders adopt the same behavior against Ottawa. Charest and Dumont, white hat and white hat?

Jean Charest has never hidden join federalism and he never hesitates to defend the legitimacy of Quebec's place in Canada. The party's position reflects that of the head and also rejects any ambiguity by making the backup of its federalism rationale. Thereupon I grant, clarity between the liberal clan ADQ. Dumont refuses because, for electoral reasons, to use for himself qualifier federalist. But in all likelihood it is. It will nevertheless enjoys a nationalist view of its involvement in the Yes camp in the last referendum campaign. However, 3 April 2007, the RDI, Mario Dumont says

"I campaigned for the yes in 1995, but I never believed in the separation of Quebec from Canada. "

His participation in the campaign of yes," he said, was done more to negotiate a new deal with Ottawa, for "we live in a confederation with a genuine autonomy for Quebec in Canada as a whole." We can therefore conclude that even in 1995, Dumont did not want sovereignty. These statements confirm that, despite his reluctance to show it, Dumont is indeed a supporter of federalism. Note that it was not until a few days after the election of March 26 to qualify for the confession which says a lot about the intellectual honesty of the ADQ leader.

PLQ, ADQ: Two parties, a vision

Here, both sides boast to claim the autonomy of Quebec. But the image she passes the test of reality? Are we dealing with real autonomy or opportunists, ready to applaud wildly for every crumb that falls from the table of the masters?

the PLQ, the only true autonomy was fired long ago, Yves Séguin. Autonomy for Charest must simply await the next move of opening irrelevant central government to speak as an unprecedented and historic announcement. Think of her reaction when Stephen Harper has placed in Quebec within the Canadian team at UNESCO. Always the same old tactics to stretch a bone to Charest that will show it as a trophy in honor of asymmetrical federalism. Why not? This little game seems to keep Quebec in its place in Canada. Let

for a moment things differently. Could it be that, contrary to the wishes Charest, these so-called gestures of openness are used to slow the progression of Quebec, or immobilizing it in a constitutional framework adequate for its development?

Dumont, meanwhile, relies on open federalism in Canada and said yes but not at any price. However, his attitude to the Harper government on many occasions to doubt the authenticity of his nationalism, his support for the federal budget, for example. Dumont quickly came over from lying excited to budget money Flaherty about the fiscal imbalance, ready at any meanness for a handful of changes.

It is full of praise for Stephen Harper not on the recognition of Quebec as nation within Canada, so he knows full well that Harper was trying to avoid. This is the team of the Bloc Quebecois, knowing the reluctance of conservatives on this issue, which has skillfully maneuvered to take advantage of the situation and force the debate. The image is tarnished autonomist Dumont when he praises Harper like a dog wags his tail at his master.

Reminder: In 2006, meeting in Quebec on the eve of National Day, Prime Minister Stephen Harper and his Quebec lieutenants have all refused to recognize the existence of the Quebec nation.

For Charest, Canada needs to take a while asymmetrical federalism Dumont research open federalism. Heavy shade. Both boast of defending Quebec in Ottawa when in truth, both defending Ottawa in Quebec. Simple slip? Willful blindness or historical mistake? What other choices offered to them? Recognize the federal government as unable to meet the desire Emancipation of Quebecers would give ammunition to the separatists. For them, it is better to truncate the demands of Quebec in the hope of any reasonable accommodation.

Mathieu

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Conservatives


"War is peace, freedom is slavery, ignorance is strength."
George Orwell, 1984

Mario Dumont's reaction to the federal budget was for me a surprise. Without the approval, I naively believed his franchise when he gave airs autonomy. Its unreserved support for the federal budget soon had me back on 2 feet on the ground. Its nationalist image takes a blow when Stephen Harper praises like a dog wags his tail at his master. Stephen Harper, the politician who keeps his word.

Why this contradiction by the leader of the Action Democratique du Quebec? Why talk more often pseudo-federalism of openness of the Conservatives that Harper himself, who does the subject exclusively in Quebec? Perhaps the answer lies in the program of the ADQ, possible without federalism full of possibilities. Sign of addiction? Not for Dumont. How could he sell his vision of autonomy if Quebeckers no longer believe in the potential gains in Canada? They may be tempted by independence.

The central government surplus emerges from scandal over ten years and, if one relies on the Conference Board, its revenues are growing faster than spending in its fields of competence, which promises more flexibility for years to come. Meanwhile, only for the costs of the system, the Quebec government spending rising faster than revenue.

If the federal budget indeed settled the question (as we want to believe Harper and Dumont), a nationalist party did not applaud, it would require retroactive payments immediately as the worst consequence of the fiscal imbalance is to have weakened Quebec making it more dependent on Ottawa.

The sad reality is different in opposition. To resolve the fiscal imbalance, there is only one solution, the point transfer tax or GST. Jim Flaherty's budget provides for only a few years of extra money in Quebec. Then? Everything will be redone. But meanwhile the Tories can boast a Regulation of so-called fiscal imbalance (still in a TV ad ...). Pure madness? Pure lie that Dumont is over eager. In truth, the Conservatives are content to temporarily manage the consequences (lack of money) instead of eradicating the causes with a permanent transfer of revenue sources.

could always argue that the federalism of openness is also the recognition of Quebec as nation within Canada. Moreover, this as well, Dumont is full of praise for the Tory leader when he knows though Stephen Harper has refused to recognize the concept.

Meeting in Quebec (our national capital), on the eve of the Feast National in 2006, Prime Minister Stephen Harper and Quebec all his lieutenants have refused to recognize the existence of the Quebec nation.

The Bloc Quebecois, which has forced the hand of the minority government by filing a motion that the Canadian government to recognize Quebec as a nation. Driven to the wall, the prime minister made his political calculation and a gesture of despair, he responded with its motion-cons. His called open federalism has nothing to do with it.

Definitely Harper likes to play that card, that of openness toward Quebec. But I wonder what kind of aperture can show him who was actively working to overturn the Charter of the French language in Quebec when he chaired the National Council of Citizen from 1997 to 2002.


Mathieu

Where Can I Get A Fake Id In Niagara Region

Sovereignists what? The short PQ


What happens now?

Friends sovereignists What to do? Dealing with the reluctance of the Parti Quebecois to bring its option to the forefront sometimes to give the impression he is trying to hide? How to deal with its warmth to adopt a strategic logic to reach his goal, preferring to waste the talents of its activists in the defense of its provincial management? What about a separatist party which undertakes to himself to take action of sovereignty, which rejects any significant action without approval by referendum?

sovereignty requires a referendum will say some. Yet the PQ expects no winning conditions or plebiscite to implement its "social democrat". Why not just admit that the PQ is not sovereignty but ... referenda and social-democrat?

What? Pierre Bourgault arose surely the same question in 1968 when the National Rally and Sovereignty-Association Movement join to form the PQ. Bourgault then president of the Rally for National Independence obviously wants the separatists forces unit but Rene Levesque, he rejects any formal alliance with the NIR. Bourgault convene the members of the executive national with the sole item on the agenda: what do we do now?

"[...] I suggest that the executive [national] proposed that the members to dissolve the NIR. Afterwards, we will enter the PQ one by one. We believe in the unity of the independence forces. Now we saw that it was impossible by means of negotiations. So it must be done by force. "

The executive adheres to universally Bourgault and analysis at the annual meeting, it asks its members to join the new political party more moderate and to make their triumph ideas, what they acceptance, thereby realizing the unity of separatists for decades to come ... until now.

Bourgault, who did not want a referendum, said later that the scuttling of his party had been the worst political mistake of his life. However, the scuttling of the NIR, this historic step and founder, has he failed to make essential for PQ its base, its most radical militants, the wicked purzédurs (rinistes that I associate with) those who, while like him, want an election on sovereignty rather than a referendum on an ambiguous question? By the way, I say activists in the broadest sense possible, within or outside the party, each in its midst.

They are essential to PQ, then why does it reflect Does not their aspirations for clear speech and an approach based on independence? Perhaps a part of the answer lies in their unwavering support for the party, given its monopoly over the issue.

Indeed, purists can start their own party without splitting the votes. But the unity of the troops already there. The results of the March 26 clearly shows, after the breakup of the coalition sovereignty, there is now the political collapse of the movement to give Quebecers a state of their own.

In addition, a new player jumps on the ice. The Union of Progressive Forces and Option citizens joined a new party political sovereignty, QS. This young band creates great anxiety it causes for the fracture in our ranks, but it comes at the same time break the monopoly that supplies the dynamics inside the PQ. Two parties rather sovereignists softies now share the stage and they will not come together soon. So that's a huge opportunity for the disaffected to realign nationalist politics through their bargaining power. And frankly, if the left performs it with such skill and without embarrassment, why the separatists would defeat the most determined?

Take yourself what is yours

The dissatisfaction may simply choose the party that best fits their demands. Or they meet to discuss among them-the action plan they wish to adopt and then haggle over their membership in a party. Which shows the candidate most committed to independence and the program the most consistent? Which adopts a tone more firm when the national question? What are the issues for change with the parties?

MES (motion for an election on sovereignty), this association wishes to abandon the PQ approach Morin could (but not necessarily) as a starting point to a kind of "union" whose central objective is to capitalize on the legacy of Bourgault and members of the deceased INR. Thanks to them today, their successors may cause a serious dilemma for the leadership of the PQ, at this juncture, can do without any ally. A serious dilemma in the management of QS can also get support from those activists who lacks to perform a remarkable breakthrough.

The opportunity now presents itself to play parties against one another to raise the stakes and take over the political agenda, we must seize it. The rinistes as goodwill for the PQ are not interested in other parties, but as a group open to change ... Who knows? The speech could suddenly become more nationalistic.

No option should be set aside, even form a new political party. A new way divide? Not necessarily. Think Françoise David. She has formed Citizens Option for the sole purpose of obtaining a merger with the UFP. We could do the same and open negotiations with the PQ, which he refused to RIN in 1968, or negotiate with QS, as David has done with the UFP.

Finally, it is in perfect continuity with the efforts of Bourgault that we can now exercise the necessary pressure on the system to push his point of bursting. Demonstrate that the dissolution of the NIR has served the cause of national independence by giving political weight to his heirs, the power to negotiate which lacked rinistes 1968.

Mathieu

How Much Is Plan B At Wal Mart

he quietly to his loss? A truncated


For many, the results of the March 26 provincial election marked a major victory for the nationalists of the Action Democratique du Quebec. However, the breakthrough of the ADQ has to smile more than a federalist. I think, for example, Jean Chretien, and all those liberals who have worked so hard from the time they had the power to harm the Parti Quebecois and to tarnish the legitimacy of his project. Today, the Conservative Party Stephen Harper quietly harvest the fruits of hard work by the Chrétien government to break the back of Quebec society and his party the most daring.

Marginalization quiet political portrait of Quebec PQ has not occurred overnight, with the election of André Boisclair as leader, it's a long decline that began after the flight of the referendum in 1995. Since then, each election is an opportunity for the PQ of a further fall, both in terms of deputation of popular support and, unfortunately, the nationalist surge caused by the public hearings of the Commission Gomery has saved the PQ and will not have prevented him from losing more ground on March 26.

Indeed, it was following the close referendum results that the offensive against Quebec Ottawa deployed, that is to say Plan B. Sponsorships, the Clarity Act (C-20) and the fiscal imbalance are only the elements most publicized. Remember the talk of partition, the federalist propaganda, the Canada Information Office (CIO) or the sabotage of Quebec's trade missions abroad. By reducing ever the flexibility of the provincial government, the federal government has cleverly manipulated to feed the population of cynicism toward politicians Quebec became unable to resolve the most pressing problems. The ADQ advantage of the widespread anger toward a political class that the substance remains the poor victim of a Canadian dynamic to counter the desire for emancipation from Quebec.

Mario Dumont, the earthworm in a knight's armor, owes much to the whole council of ministers in the Chrétien government, and particularly to Stephane Dion, the chief architect of the plan B and current federal Liberal leader. This is their victory, the triumph of determining patient all those working against national affirmation of Quebecers and which seek to neutralize the independence movement. For them, this historic moment marks a decisive step towards the disappearance of the separatists. After the breakup of the coalition sovereignty, we are now witnessing the collapse of the political movement to give Quebecers a state of their own.

The entire province is now paying the price of defeat in sovereignty will lose what little independence he had managed to pull in the Canadian federation. Our opponents would be wrong to celebrate too quickly end if the PQ since March 26 is a victory for the federalists on the separatists, it is not the capitulation of the sovereign who is alive and well and ready to reorganize.

Mathieu, a member of the PQ

Student Kiss Teacher Japanese

truth


recent interview, Lucien Bouchard allowed a criticism of Quebec should work harder to free the province of the state deplorable its finances. But it does then no mention of the fiscal imbalance. No mention either the trend of politicians for wasting public funds, the same for which the ultimate solution is to extract ever more workers already overtaxed. Just think of driving licenses that must be paid every year from now or the successive increases in electricity rates. So it's a reality that we present truncated when Bouchard draws its economic portrait of modern Quebec, a reality of the truncated core of the problem.

I do not think Quebec they need a former politician to lecture them, what they want is a strong state that will address quickly and effectively to the challenges of the new millennium. Unfortunately, this is not the head up, Jean Charest, who we provide. Assign heritage in private as he provides continually demonstrates his vision necessarily reducing the exercise of power, a big garage sale in a quasi-religious praise of Public Private Partnerships (PPP). The Liberals' mandate seems to be limited to cut services, raise taxes, then sell the acquired remove responsibility by blaming on a so-called "difficult financial framework." A difficult financial framework so that the federal government, it liberates outrageous surplus over ten years through the fiscal imbalance. Other spoils for Stephen Harper because even if solves the problem as it promised to do during the election campaign, there will be no retroactive payments to the provinces will be content with little, again .

Jean Charest may well rejoice at the arrival on stage of Harper as a sign of openness, deign to grant a permanent place in Quebec at UNESCO, within the Team Canada. Paul Martin used the same tactics before him, tender a bone to Charest who brandish like a trophy in honor of asymmetrical federalism. This little game seems to keep Quebec in its place in Canada, subject to a government with unlimited funds, who does not hesitate to interfere in the affairs of provincial governments and a large part of Quebec society considers as paternalistic, intrusive and arrogant.

Mathieu, a dissident among others